Confederate Cause
Secession in Principle - Part II
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Section: 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 Clearly, the Framers intended for secession to be a last resort measure, but recognized that it was a requirement for states to remain independent and supreme. The state legislatures, as representatives of the people, would not have agreed to ratify the Constitution in 1787 unless the sovereignty and independence of the several states were protected and preserved. The maintenance of state militias and limitations on a federal armed forces were intended to keep the balance of power on the side of the states. But there is further evidence that secession was a generally accepted right retained by the states. On numerous occasions, secession was advanced as a possible resolution to sectional disputes. Secession was expressed as a right by the New England states in 1803, 1811, 1815 and 1845. In 1803, when the Louisiana Purchase was proposed, the New England states opposed it. Timothy Pickering attempted to form a secession movement among the New England states and New York. It failed when Aaron Burr lost his bid to be Governor of New York. On Jan. 14, 1811, Rep. Josiah Quincy (1772-1864) of Massachussetts, threatened Congress that his state would secede if Louisiana were admitted as a state. In 1815, the Hartford Convention was held in secret to address the need for New England states to secede. The New England states had suffered economically due to the ongoing hostilities with Britain (War of 1812) and secession was thought to be a means of striking a bargain to resume northern shipping commerce. In 1845, the New England states again threatened to secede because they opposed the admission of Texas as a state. They opposed any new state which would be sympathetic to existing southern states. This was just 15 years before Lincoln and his Republican party decided that secession was no longer a right and that a bloody war was justified to prevent any state from seceding. In 1844, abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison advocated northern secession to avoid association with slave states in a speech to the annual meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society of America which was published in the Anti-Slavery Examiner. Were Josiah
Quincy, Timothy Pickering or William Lloyd Garrison ever called
traitors
? No. Was the right of the New England states to
secede ever challenged?
No. It was a generally accepted
right. Why then, beginning in 1861, were the southern states labeled
as "treasonous" and "rebellious" for exercising their rights?
"If the right of secession be denied...and the denial enforced by the sword of coercion; the nature of the polity is changed, and freedom is at its end. It is no longer a government by consent, but a government of force. Conquest is substituted compact, and the dream of liberty is over." --Albert Taylor Bledsoe, from Is Davis a Traitor? In 1788, the Massachusetts state convention ratified entry into the Union by a vote of just 187 to 168. Let us suppose that, a couple of years later, a second vote has rescinded the first, and Massachusetts respectfully announced: “Upon further consideration, we have decided that belonging to the Union is not in the state’s best interest.“ I wonder if anyone can imagine George Washington issuing the following proclamation: Given the preceding, secession was a generally accepted right, a right asserted as available to northern states to be exercised at their discretion. But in 1861, the U.S. Government asserted that it was not a right (at least not a Southern right), and "preserving the Union" was its first justification for bloody conquest (followed later by abolition). Therefore, the victorious conquerer had to continue to maintain that secession was wrong during the post-war occupation. If secession were really "treason," then one would expect that dozens of Confederate leaders would be tried and convicted for such offenses leading to such destruction, right? Read the next section (Part III) to see how confident the victors were in their convictions. The links below will lead the reader to a reasonably comprehensive understanding of the Confederate Cause.
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